顶刊前沿 |《比较政治学杂志》2020年第2期
让每一个人自由地理解政治
让世界各地的学人成果互联互通
让政治学人的核心关切得到传播
让闪烁的政治学人共享这片充满思考和情怀的天空
政治学人始终在路上
本期国际化部为大家带来了《比较政治学杂志》2020年第2期文章编译。（注：本期是2020年4月刊，Volume 52 Number 3，但由于本刊每一Volume的第一期为前一年10月出版，因此为方便以年份计数，Number 3是2020年出版的第2期。）
编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。
PART 2
期刊简介
Journal of Comparative Politics（比较政治学杂志）是由纽约城市大学负责的比较政治学领域顶级期刊，始于1968年，分别在每年1月、4月、7月、10月出版。期刊主要呈现针对政治制度和政治过程比较研究的学术文章，并借此平台与社会科学家、学者、学生、公众和NGO官员交流新的想法和研究发现。
PART 2
期刊目录
The Threat of Communism during the Cold War: A Constraint to Income Inequality?
冷战期间的共产主义威胁：对收入不平等的限制？
Do the Rich and the Poor Have Different Conceptions of Democracy? Socioeconomic Status, Inequality, and the Political Status Quo
富人和穷人拥有不同的民主观念吗？社会经济地位、不平等和政治现状
Ethnicity and Power in Sub-Saharan Africa: Do Colonial Institutions Still Matter?
撒哈拉以南非洲的种族与权力：殖民地制度仍然重要吗？
Religion and Institutional Quality: Long-Term Effects of the Financial Systems in Protestantism and Islam
宗教和制度质量：新教和伊斯兰教内部金融体系的长期影响
Invisible Revolutionaries: Women’s Participation in the Revolution of Dignity
看不见的革命者：乌克兰“尊严革命”中的女性参与
Refugee Perceptions toward Democratic Citizenship: A Narrative Analysis of North Koreans
难民对民主公民身份的认知：一项对朝鲜的叙事分析
Electoral Activism in Iran: A Mechanism for Political Change
伊朗的选举行动主义：一种政治变革的机制
Review Article: Democratization and the Franchise
综述文章：民主化与选举权
PART 3
精选译文
01 冷战期间的共产主义威胁：对收入不平等的限制？
【题目】
The Threat of Communism during the Cold War: A Constraint to Income Inequality?
【作者】
André Albuquerque Sant’Anna and Leonardo Weller
【摘要】
在冷战期间，共产主义的威胁影响了发达资本主义经济体内部的收入分配吗？通过检验OECD国家（经济合作与发展组织成员国）内部的收入不平等是否受到了世界范围内与共产主义扩散相关的事件（如革命和苏联干涉）影响，本文回答了这个问题。我们认为，共产主义扩散的威胁为精英和政府提供了激励，促使他们将收入不平等控制在较低的水平。现有文献在考察收入不平等问题时，主要强调国内制度的作用，却忽略了冷战在收入再分配方面所扮演的角色，而本文从实证的角度对这一空缺进行了填补。我们发现，收入不平等和距离共产主义事件的远近之间具有紧密的关系。这一结果得到了过去研究案例的印证，表明共产主义的传播有助于国内精英和工人阶层达成有关收入再分配的协议。最后，我们主张强大的工会和强劲的共产主义政党的存在进一步强化了上述相关关系。
Did the threat of communism influence income distribution in developed capitalist economies during the Cold War? This article addresses this question by testing whether income inequality in OECD countries was related to events linked to the spread of communism—revolutions and Soviet interventions—around the world. We argue that the threat of the spread of communism acted as an incentive for the elites and governments to keep economic inequality low. This article provides an empirical contribution to the recent literature on inequality, which highlights the role of domestic institutions but ignores the role of the Cold War in redistributing income. We find a robust relationship between income inequality and the distance to communist events. The results, reinforced by cases studied, suggest that the spread of communism fostered income redistribution deals between domestic elites and workers. Finally, we show that these effects were reinforced by strong unions and the presence of strong communist parties.
02 富人和穷人拥有不同的民主观念吗？社会经济地位、不平等和政治现状
【题目】
Do the Rich and the Poor Have Different Conceptions of Democracy? Socioeconomic Status, Inequality, and the Political Status Quo
【作者】
Besir Ceka and Pedro C. Magalhães
【摘要】
在本项研究中，我们考察了人们的社会经济地位如何与他们对自由民主制的认可程度相关联。基于社会学和心理学关于社会冲突和支配的理论，我们认为，那些在社会阶层中享有较优越地位的人往往对现存的社会和政治秩序持有更强的偏好。与之相反，处于不利地位的人们则更不支持该秩序。因此，在我们的预期中，社会经济地位和对自由民主制的偏好之间的关系取决于具体情境：在自由民主制中，二者呈正相关；而在专制政体中，二者存在负相关关系。此外，我们认为收入不平等放大了上述影响机制，加剧了不同社会地位群体间的鸿沟。我们使用世界价值观调查（World Value Survey）的第五波问卷数据检验了我们的猜想。
In this study, we investigate how socioeconomic status is related to people’s commitment to liberal democracy. Based on sociological and psychological theories of social conflict and dominance, we argue that those who enjoy a more privileged position in the social hierarchy tend to develop stronger preferences for the existing social and political order. Conversely, people in underprivileged positions tend to be less supportive of that order. Hence, we expect the relationship between socioeconomic status and commitment to liberal democracy to be context-specific: positive in liberal democracies but negative in autocracies. Furthermore, we argue that income inequality amplifies these dynamics, widening the gap between low and high status individuals. We test our hypotheses using the fifth wave of the World Value Surveys.
03 撒哈拉以南非洲的种族与权力：殖民地制度仍然重要吗？
【题目】
Ethnicity and Power in Sub-Saharan Africa: Do Colonial Institutions Still Matter?
【作者】
Beth Rabinowitz
【摘要】
自第一个撒哈拉以南的非洲国家宣布独立以来，已经过去了六十年。在过去三十年中，这一地区经历了巨大的变化。尽管几乎没有人会质疑殖民地历史形塑了非洲社会，但我们仍不清楚这些遗产在何种程度上继续影响着当代的群体间关系。谈论殖民地遗产仍然是有意义的吗？如果有意义，那么该谈论遗产中的哪些部分呢？通过检验那些在殖民地时期享有优越地位的种族是否在数十年后更有可能掌握政治权力，本文试图回答这些问题。为此，我采用了多重个案研究法分析了25个撒哈拉以南的非洲国家，并据此建立了一个关于不同种族在后殖民时期所担任的政治职务的原始数据库。借助这些数据，我运用自回归逻辑模型检验了过去殖民地时期的政治地位和独立以来所享有的行政权力之间的关系。我发现，学术界中许多关于殖民地时期优越身份的重要性的猜想无法得到这些模型的支持。但是，殖民地的制度遗产仍然有助于我们理解群体间的互动关系，并成为当今政治不满的来源。
It has been sixty years since the first sub-Saharan nation declared independence. Over the past three decades, the region has undergone significant changes. Though few, if any, would question that colonial histories shaped African societies, it is unclear to what extent these legacies continue to be relevant to contemporary inter-group relations. Does it still make sense to speak about colonial legacies? And if so, which ones? This article explores these questions by examining whether ethnic groups who were privileged during the colonial period are more likely to hold political power decades later. To do so, I conduct a multiple case study analysis of twenty-five sub-Saharan countries from which I create an original dataset of how ethnic groups were positioned during the latter stages of colonialism. With these data, I run auto-regressive logistical models correlating former colonial position to executive power since independence. I find that many of the assumptions made in the scholarship about the importance of colonial privilege are not supported by these models. However, colonial institutional legacies may still help us understand inter-group dynamics and be the source of contemporary political grievances.
04 宗教和制度质量：新教和伊斯兰教内部金融体系的长期影响
【题目】
Religion and Institutional Quality: Long-Term Effects of the Financial Systems in Protestantism and Islam
【作者】
Rasmus Broms and Bo Rothstein
【摘要】
在讨论不同国家制度质量上的差异时，宗教是最常被提及的解释因素之一。其中，既有研究指出，新教及其教义产生的文化价值观，特别有利于提升一个国家的制度水平。然而，“宗教能催生有利于好制度的规范和价值”这一判断并未得到微观层面研究的支持。就宏观层面观察到的差异，我们提出了另一种解释，即当地宗教融资的历史制度。这一差异可以通过对比来呈现：在西北欧的中世纪教区制度中，成员们集体以公共物品的形式支付和管理宗教服务；而在奥斯曼帝国中，这样的物品通常是由私人捐赠提供的，并且税收安排也是相对私有化的。我们认为，前一地区中的集体融资和问责制的遗产创造了一个国家能力高和腐败水平低的良性循环，在今天看来，这就是好的制度，并回荡至今形成了良好的制度。
Religion is one of the most commonly cited explanations for cross-country variation in institutional quality. In particular, Protestantism, and the cultural values that follow from its doctrine, has been identified as particularly beneficial. Nevertheless, micro-level studies provide little evidence for religion producing norms and values conducive to good institutions. We propose an alternate explanation for the observed macro-level variation: historical systems for local religious financing, contrasting the medieval parish system in Northwestern Europe, where members collectively paid for and administrated religious services as public goods, with the Ottoman Empire, where such goods were normally provided through endowments from private individuals and tax collection was comparatively privatized. We argue that a legacy of collective financing and accountability in the former region created a virtuous cycle of high state capacity and low corruption, reverberating to this day as good institutions.
05 看不见的革命者：乌克兰“尊严革命”中的女性参与
【题目】
Invisible Revolutionaries: Women’s Participation in the Revolution of Dignity
【作者】
Olena Nikolayenko
【摘要】
根据女性在革命抗争过程中发挥的作用，本文提出了一种革命的类型学。在父权理论和解放模型之外，本研究提出了一种有关女性参与革命的混合模型，其特征是女性角色的多样性和流动性。根据这一混合模型，女性在一场革命中的参与可能遵循三种不同的策略：（1）默许传统的性别分工；（2）挪用男性的反抗方式；（3）不同行动模式的混合。以2013-2014年乌克兰的“尊严革命”为例，实证分析展现了女性积极参与行动的多元形式。本研究在概念范畴上扩充了当代女性参与城市革命的形式，从而丰富了相关的文献。
The article develops a typology of revolutions based upon women’s roles over the course of revolutionary struggle. In addition to the patriarchal and the emancipatory models, the study proposes a hybrid model of women’s participation in a revolution, characterized by the diversity and fluidity of women’s roles. According to the hybrid model, women’s involvement in a revolution can follow three different strategies: (1) acquiescence to a traditional gender-based division of labor, (2) appropriation of the masculine forms of resistance, and (3) mixing of diverse modes of action. Using the case of the 2013–2014 Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine, the empirical analysis demonstrates multifaceted forms of women’s activism. The study contributes to the literature by broadening the conceptualization of women’s participation in a contemporary urban revolution.
06 难民对民主公民身份的认知：一项对朝鲜的叙事分析
【题目】
Refugee Perceptions toward Democratic Citizenship: A Narrative Analysis of North Koreans
【作者】
Aram Hur
【摘要】
本文探讨了难民政治融合的非正式维度：在威权统治下度过了前半生后，他们如何理解自己新获得的民主公民身份？通过对在韩的朝鲜难民开展叙事研究，我确定了他们所使用的认知视角。通过对31篇个人叙述和20组关于民主公民身份的辩论进行话语分析，我发现了一个令人惊讶的现象。对那些感到与韩国人拥有共同的国族身份认同的朝鲜难民而言，他们在朝鲜威权政体下的社会化进程中习得了一种对国家深切的责任感，而这种共同的责任感延伸到了韩国，因此他们将新的民主角色（例如投票）视为一种义务。而对那些缺乏共同身份认同的难民而言，他们更倾向于在政治事务上持一种工具性的态度，这也影响了两者不同的融合轨迹。
This article examines the informal dimension of political integration for refugees: how, after a lifetime of authoritarianism, do they make sense of their newfound democratic citizenship? I identify the perceptual lenses that refugees use through a narrative study of North Korean refugees in South Korea. Discourse analysis of thirty-one personal narratives and twenty paired debates on topics about democratic citizenship reveals a surprising phenomenon. For refugees who feel co-national identification with South Koreans, a deeply communal script of duty to the nation—socialized in the authoritarian North—is extended toward South Korea, framing new democratic roles such as voting as a matter of obligation. Those who lack such identification tend to rely on an instrumental approach instead, with implications for divergent integration trajectories.
07 伊朗的选举行动主义：一种政治变革的机制
【题目】
Electoral Activism in Iran: A Mechanism for Political Change
【作者】
Mohammad Ali Kadivar and Vahid Abedini
【摘要】
研究选举式威权主义的学者认为，选举能够使专制政权更为持久。而研究民主化的学者却主张，威权主义下的选举可能会导致选举革命和政权更迭。在本文中，我们提出，这两种视角都忽视了选举期间较小规模的行动主义事件，以及这种行动主义对逐步实现政治变革的影响。为了证实我们的理论，我们分析了伊朗在2009年和2013年举行的两次总统选举。我们展示了基层活动家如何利用选举中止强硬派所取得的成果，如何推动中间派和温和派候选人采取更为改良主义和支持民主的立场，如何推动本被视作常规政权政治以外的事务发展，以及如何鼓励团结和建立反对派联盟。
Scholars of electoral authoritarianism contend that elections make autocratic regimes more durable, while scholarship on democratization states that authoritarian elections can lead to electoral revolutions and regime change. In this article, we argue that these two lenses occlude smaller instances of activism during election periods and the influence that this activism has on bringing about gradual political change. To build our argument, we draw on two presidential elections held in Iran in 2009 and 2013. We show how grassroots activists use elections to abort gains made by hardliners, push centrist and moderate candidates toward more reformist and democratic stances, promote issues that would otherwise be considered beyond the pale of formal regime
politics, and encourage solidarity and opposition coalition building.
02 选举式威权主义的战略起源
【题目】
The Strategic Origins of Electoral Authoritarianism
【作者】
MICHAEL K. MILLER, George Washington University
【摘要】
为什么独裁者会举行多党选举？本文认为，向选举式威权主义（EA）的过渡遵循着一种战略考量，其中，独裁者会权衡采取选举的国际动因和操纵选举的成本和风险。本文使用多项logit模型来检验前述假设，该模型以自1946年到2010年的非选举式独裁体制为样本，对向EA的转变和民主同步进行预测。该模型发现，亲民主的国际手段——特别是对民主国家通过贸易联系产生的依赖、军事联盟、国际政府组织，和援助——预示着EA被采用。使选民更容易被控制的社会经济因素，比如低平均收入和高度不平等，也是EA的前奏。相比之下，由于独裁者在民主化后会失去权力，EA的前奏主要是政权的孱弱而非国际参与或社会经济因素。模型检验结果通过洞察独裁政权的动力和民主推广所产生的意想不到的影响，展示了不同的自由化形式有着各自独特的逻辑。
Why do autocrats hold multiparty elections? This article argues that transitions to electoral authoritarianism (EA) follow a strategic calculus in which autocrats balance international incentives to adopt elections against the costs and risks of controlling them. It tests this hypothesis with a multinomial logit model that simultaneously predicts transitions to EA and democracy, using a sample of non-electoral autocracies from 1946–2010. It finds that pro-democratic international leverage – captured by dependence on democracies through trade ties, military alliances, international governmental organizations and aid – predicts EA adoption. Socio-economic factors that make voters easier to control, such as low average income and high inequality, also predict EA transition. In contrast, since democratization entails a loss of power for autocrats, it is mainly predicted by regime weakness rather than international engagement or socio-economic factors. The results demonstrate that different forms of liberalization follow distinct logics, providing insight into autocratic regime dynamics and democracy promotion’s unintended effects.
08 综述文章：民主化与选举权
【题目】
Review Article: Democratization and the Franchise
【作者】
Didi Kuo
【摘要】
比较政治学中最核心的问题之一就是理解为什么精英要扩大选举权。然而，大多数理论并不能很好地解释为什么他们要将选举权持续扩展到那些曾经被排斥在外的群体身上，包括女性、种族和宗教少数群体以及穷人。本文回顾了比较政治学领域的三本新书，它们都着重探讨了第一波民主化浪潮中为争取选举权和代表议席所进行的抗争。这些书挑战了经典的假设，并表明，民主化的标志是有关争取包容性的持续不断的斗争，而这些斗争一直延续至今。这三本书共同为有关现代化理论、民主回应性以及如何将美国的案例应用于比较分析的争论作出了贡献。
Understanding why elites extend the franchise is one of the central questions in comparative politics. However, most theories fail to account for subsequent extensions of voting rights to once-excluded groups, including women, racial and religious minorities, and the poor. This article reviews three new books in comparative politics that focus on the struggle for voting rights and representation in the first-wave democracies. These books challenge classic assumptions and show that democratization is punctuated by ongoing struggles over inclusion that continue to this day. Together, these books contribute to debates over modernization theory, democratic responsiveness, and the use of the United States as a case in comparative analysis.
编 译：袁 丁
审 校：吴佳蔚
相关阅读：
编辑：夏小奇
一审：刘博涵
二审：袁 丁
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